In its 1976 political programme the Swapo Party of Namibia notes two economies that existed in parallel in colonial Namibia.
“Wealthy white-owned economy based on the extensive extraction of varied natural resources” and “a separate subsistence economy enveloping the majority of the African population who are forced to live in Bantustans.” “The two economies have been consciously designed in accordance with the social interests of the white settler group and international monopoly capitalism.”
Yours Truly Ideological cannot but note the observation of, by and in the Swapo 1976 Political Programme of the two economies existing side by side, most notably in the service of monopoly capitalism. Fast-forward to post-independence Namibia in 2025. With a slight variation, not much of a fundamental structural variation for that matter, other than exigencies and survival adaptations of capitalism, this is a situation that prevails in modern-day Namibia post-independence and free Namibia.
Till this day, 35 years this year on March 21, that Swapo has been in power. A variation highlighted by the continued neglect of the rural areas, the former Bantustans, today’s so-called rural areas. The Apartheid South African regime, true to its colonial design, inherited the economic balkanization from Germany’s colonisation of NamibiaToday, the African populations are still subjected to the two economies, where they are cramped into informal settlements in most urban areas, making a living that is not fit for humans. From where they serve the other better half of the dual Namibian economy, which is still in the best interests of the whites, settlers or not, joined marginally by the would-be and/or presumed successful and well-to-do indigenous haves. Who are no more than necessary functional appendixes of the white monopoly capitalisFormalising informal settlements appears to be the best solution the Swapo government has come up with. As if this would mean the end of urban influx, which itself is a factor
of the continued neglect of rural development.
But granted that this is a colonial legacy as it may be, Yours Truly ideologically cannot ignore the fact that it has also been the makings of the lack of political willpower of the government of the day as rendered ineffectual and ineffective by a lack of a transformative ideology, and thus policies and programmes by the Swapo Party. Thus, the situation, which may have motivated and encouraged the agitation towards the quest for freedom and liberation and subsequently the requisite descendant socio-economic transformation, has not been forthcoming. Thus the pre-colonial capitalist status quo as seen in Namibia. This situation is likely to persist unless there is a significant paradigm shift among the Swapo Party and other political parties, who have been vying for power under the guise of wanting to bring about change. Especially improve the livelihoods of the downtrodden.
It seems most of the political parties, not excepting the Swapo party, have been under the illusion that election manifestos would bring about the much-craved-for and desired change by the people. An illusion that, in reality, year after year, has been and must have been demystified by the realities on the ground, as evidenced by growing poverty and inequality, a function of the continued exploitation of the people by post-colonial monopoly capitalism that has continued to reign supreme in Namibia irrespective of liberation and independence. It is not as if, of all parties, Swapo is and has not been aware of the machinations of monopoly capitalism. The same monopoly capitalism, which dates back to colonial times, is still prevalent in Namibia.
Armed with such consciousness, it was the outlook of Swapo, among others, to abolish all forms of exploitation, ensure that all means of production and exchange are owned by the people, and integrate the economy to create a balance between agricultural production [and thus partly address rural underdevelopment].
“In Namibia, gross injustices have been the hallmark of colonial rule. Policies and social practices by the colonial ruling class have been grossly unjust to the dignity, rights, and socio-economic requirements of the majority.
of the Namibians. These unjust policies and practices are responsible for the present division of our society into two distinct social groups: the landless and propertyless black majority, on the one hand, and the propertied and privileged white minority, on the other. The deprivation of the indigenous Namibian people of their liberty, land and other means of livelihood has inflicted deep wounds on our society. The black majority has not only been robbed of its land but also of its fair share of the wealth it produces.”
Reads an extract from Swapo’s 1989 election manifesto. Reflective of its 1976 political programme but ideologically ambivalent, if not completely shy of its liberation ideology of a classless society. “The goal of SWAPO’s policy on economic reconstruction and development will, therefore, be to bring change in ownership relations, bring about equitable distribution of
national income, create rational linkages of sectors and diversify the economy.” This says little about the structural nature of capitalism, especially in terms of people owning the means of production. Needless to say, Namibia’s economy has remained inherently structurally a capitalist economy of white monopoly capitalism in which the indigenes do not play any significant roles, before even speaking of and about the ownership of the means of production.
Ideologically speaking, many Swapo manifestos have since been on this downward spiral of erosion in terms of their ideological content. “Namibia is endowed with abundant natural resources, and cognisant of the potential impacts these could have on the livelihood of our people, we commit to ensuring that Namibia derives a fair share from the extraction of her natural resources by attracting Foreign Direct Investments (FDI), increasing local participation, promoting job-creating investments in the natural resource sector, and formulating, adopting, and implementing the local content policy and legislation to support social development.,” reads a verse from the Swapo last election Bible (manifesto). This is a topic that Yours Truly finds difficult to understand, both practically and ideologically. This is particularly evident in its trajectory towards radical socio-economic transformation and its unique approach to business.
